Dear Reader,
Introducing: The Inclusive National Conversation (TINC)
for Constitutional,
Economic & Cultural Competitiveness
To examine this matter in adequate depth, I enrolled for relevant
DBA research at Heriot-Watt University, which was satisfactorily concluded last
year. In examining the African situation, I found myself developing a
potentially paradigm-shifting economic sociology of national competitiveness
which has wider implications, including for the derivation of the global
financial crisis and its implications for the international accounting and
auditing professions.
On the national level, the research came to an interesting
conclusion. The primary development
challenge facing Africa and Sierra Leone in particular is a mismatch between
the dominant Unitary State governance model and the underlying multi-ethnic
diversities of most African countries. The literature clearly indicates that
diversity is correlated with development challenges – you will have observed
the perennial struggles of Europe’s diverse Balkans. Diversity increases the
risk of dissonances in group values and social axioms. This can undermine the Social Trust that is critical
to ensuring adequate levels of investments in public goods that are the
foundation of economic competitiveness. Interestingly,
the literature suggests that doing nothing is not an option. As the Swiss
found to their reward, you have to take firm and reasoned action to mitigate
the inevitable frictions that arise in a diverse society.
The Unitary model in Africa fails to deliver such essential
society-building services. By offering “winner-takes-all” rewards
in diverse societies, it accentuates social frictions. Even where some
countries may have attained economic gains through the suppressive actions of a
strongman, these gains prove fleeting as they simply dam up the social
frictions. When the dam inevitably bursts: as with Cote D’Ivoire after H-Boigny,
Yugoslavia after Tito and more recently in Kenya, Libya & Syria, the gains
risk being lost.
The research suggests that Sierra Leone, a polarised
collective of minority ethnicities, suffers from the Societal Cynicism dimension, identified in Leung’s 2002 studies of social
axioms. This confirms the validity of President
Koroma’s focus on Attitudinal Change.
Societal Cynicism is linked to low interpersonal trust, weaker cooperation, lower performance and lower productivity. It is associated
with a general mistrust of social systems and other people. At the individual level, Social Cynicism refers to “a negative view of human nature, a view
that life produces unhappiness, that people exploit others, and a mistrust of
social institutions”. At the collective level, Societal Cynicism relates to “a lower emphasis on striving for high
performance”, which is unsurprising “if there is a general suspicion of the
social system and a general expectation of negative outcomes”. If unresolved, Societal Cynicism guarantees
perpetual under-development. Crucially, the research indicates that
Societal Cynicism is a symptom and not an originating cause
of our under-development i.e. it may be a product of the over-centralised
Unitary structure imposed on a polarised collective of minority
ethnicities.
In other words, for Sierra
Leone’s context and history, Attitudinal Change cannot be effectively tackled
within the Unitary State.
The evidence appears clear. In the absence of a dominant cultural
group that can be freely accepted as the cultural leader of the country (as
with the WASPs in the USA until recently), a diverse society must deploy a
confederal constitution for sustainable progress. This is more than
decentralisation. In the Sierra Leone context, a critical-success-factor is
that tax raising powers must lie with the districts, who then remit an
appropriate, minority, proportion of revenues to the centre. This is the
opposite of the Unitary model. Even where it seeks to deploy decentralisation,
the Unitary State tends to generate discord. The objective of confederation is
to remedy Societal Cynicism through a political economy that builds Social
Trust by minimising opportunities for malign ethnic competition for scarce
resources.
TINC has emerged to advocate for Confederalism to be one of the
two constitutional options to be available to the people of Sierra Leone at the
Referendum that is being planned by the Government of Sierra Leone. I have been
gratified by the widespread interest in the concept since I commenced
dissemination of this aspect of my research findings in December 2012.
You may wish to download a copy of the research evidence basis of
TINC for your Library from:
I look forward to your robust participation in this National
Conversation that will determine the path of our beloved country for
generations to come, likely beyond our remaining lifetimes.
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